PRESS RELEASE: A dark hour for Europe

A DARK HOUR FOR EUROPE

Brussels, 24 February 2022

Dear federalist friends,

Today is a dark day for Europe.
 
We all condemn in the strongest possible terms the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, a free and sovereign country in the heart of Europe.
 
This is not only an attack on Ukraine, but also on the security of Europe, the international order, peace and democracy. Therefore, we need 

  • Firstly, firmness towards Russia, full economic response must be declared. The new package of sanctions already under discussion should be massive and unprecedented;
  • Secondly, solidarity with Ukraine, we must provide political, financial and material support;
  • Thirdly, unity in Europe, we must continue to show solidarity. This has been the case since the beginning of the crisis, within and between all European institutions. We must step up our fight against disinformation in all our Member States. And work even harder to build a sovereign and powerful Europe.

Let’s deliver together, with one European voice.

Sandro GOZI
UEF President

COMMUNIQUÉ DE PRESSE : DÉCLARATION DU PRÉSIDENT DE L’UEF, SANDRO GOZI, SUR L’UKRAINE

Bruxelles, le 23 février 2022

Voilà des années que les tensions entre l’Ukraine et la Russie n’ont pas été aussi fortes. Le stationnement massif de troupes russes à proximité des frontières du pays fait craindre une invasion de la part de Moscou. La crise actuelle a été provoquée par le renforcement constant du dispositif militaire russe en Ukraine et dans les environs, ainsi que par l’utilisation déstabilisatrice d’attaques hybrides, notamment de désinformation et de cyberattaques, contre les institutions gouvernementales ukrainiennes.

La frénésie de négociations internationales de la semaine dernière n’ayant débouché sur aucune avancée, la Russie semble se préparer à une nouvelle agression contre l’Ukraine. Mais l’Union européenne (UE) est toujours en train de calibrer sa réponse potentielle.

L’UEF fait la même évaluation que les institutions européennes de la gravité de la situation et elle souhaite que les efforts diplomatiques soient couronnés de succès. Nous sommes solidaires de l’Ukraine et de ses citoyens et nous confirmons à nouveau notre soutien sans équivoque à la souveraineté et à l’intégrité territoriale de l’Ukraine à l’intérieur de ses frontières internationalement reconnues. L’Ukraine est un pays libre et souverain et l’UE doit continuer de se tenir à ses côtés.

L’UE doit faire usage de sa principale force – l’influence économique – et se préparer à le faire de manière stratégique pour parer à toutes les éventualités. Il n’y a pas d’autre moyen pour l’Union de persuader les grandes puissances qui se disputent l’avenir de l’Europe de ce qu’elle est une force avec laquelle on doit compter. Nous devons continuer de soutenir les militaires et les civils ukrainiens en leur fournissant les moyens de se préparer, allant de l’énergie à la cybersécurité.

« L’UE n’est pas parvenue à préparer un ensemble robuste de sanctions à imposer à la Russie pour le cas où le pays envahirait à nouveau l’Ukraine. Ce ne sont là que de piètres excuses pour justifier l’inaction. Une UE fédérale dont la politique étrangère ne serait pas soumise à des menaces de veto individuelles serait plus efficace. Cette nouvelle crise est l’occasion pour l’UE d’être plus mûre, plus souveraine et plus indépendante et de devenir un acteur mondial indépendant, qui agit rapidement et vigoureusement chaque fois qu’une crise éclate, avec des partenaires si c’est possible mais seul si nécessaire. Nous attendons avec impatience le nouveau document de la boussole stratégique de l’UE – dont le besoin est aujourd’hui plus urgent que jamais – et un suivi des conclusions de la conférence sur l’avenir de l’Europe qui pourrait conduire à une UE plus démocratique, plus souveraine et plus forte dans le monde » déclare Sandro GOZI, président de l’UEF et député européen, en appelant à une amélioration déterminée de la politique étrangère, de sécurité et de défense de l’UE.

« Nous devons nous appuyer sur la diplomatie pour parvenir à un accord qui profite à toutes les parties impliquées dans ce conflit, y compris l’UE. Nous avons besoin d’une politique étrangère pour gagner en engageant les États-Unis, la Russie et l’Ukraine à débloquer les négociations » conclut M. GOZI.

Nous considérons que l’avenir du peuple ukrainien et celui des autres pays du Partenariat oriental, ainsi que celui de la Russie, se trouve en Europe. Nous sommes convaincus qu’il existe un avenir radieux pour l’Ukraine et son peuple.

Contexte

La fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale a entraîné un nouvel ordre fondé sur la confrontation de deux grands blocs. Le bloc occidental s’était organisé militairement autour de l’OTAN (1949) et, en réponse, l’URSS avait promu le Pacte de Varsovie (1955). L’Ukraine faisait partie de cet accord en tant que république soviétique au sein du bloc de l’Est.

En 1991, l’Union soviétique a été dissoute et les quinze républiques ont déclaré leur indépendance. L’Ukraine compte une importante minorité russophone, très présente dans l’est du pays et dans la péninsule de Crimée. Comme la Russie, l’Ukraine a connu dans les années 1990 une profonde dépression économique. L’effondrement de l’URSS a permis à l’OTAN d’étendre son influence en Europe de l’Est. Cette expansion inquiétait Moscou, qui ne put cependant l’éviter. La décennie des années 2000 a été turbulente pour l’Ukraine, le pays étant contrôlé par des oligarques proches de Moscou, dont les politiques répressives du gouvernement ont ralenti la modernisation et a conduit à la révolution orange et à la révolution « Euromaidan ». Avec les derniers gouvernements, certaines réformes pro-européennes ont provoqué des protestations en Crimée, où la majorité de la population est pro-russe. La Russie a profité de la situation et a envahi la péninsule de Crimée, sur la mer Noire. L’Europe a imposé des sanctions économiques à la Russie. Dans le même temps, des affrontements armés ont commencé dans le Dombass, mais le conflit est resté gelé jusqu’à aujourd’hui.

UEF President’s statement on Ukraine

​​Brussels, 23 February 2022

Tensions between Ukraine and Russia are at their highest in years, with a Russian troop build-up near the two nations’ borders spurring fears that Moscow could launch an invasion. The current crisis has been provoked by an ongoing Russian military build-up in and around Ukraine, as well as the destabilising use of hybrid attacks, including disinformation and cyber-attacks, on Ukrainian government institutions.

This week, EU Member States have given their political agreement for a new package of sanctions against Russia, after Putin’s decision to recognise the Ukrainian regions of Donetsk and Luhansk and sending troops to these areas. This decision violates the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. Russia is not respecting its international obligations, and it is violating core principles of international law.

UEF welcomes the EU’s package of sanctions. We stand with Ukraine and its citizens and reaffirm unequivocal support to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. Ukraine is a free and sovereign country and the EU must continue to stand by its side.

We must act on a double track: the first one, the one related to the urgency, to respond with sanctions to Putin and pursue the diplomatic option. If the EU pursues and increases the sanctions, a compensation mechanism must be created in favour of the affected EU firms.

At the same time, in parallel, we must take steps forward on the military and energy autonomy of Europe. A federal EU whose foreign policy was not subject to individual veto threats would be more effective. This new crisis is an opportunity for the EU to become more mature, sovereign and an independent global actor, who act rapidly and robustly whenever a crisis erupts, with partners if possible and alone when necessary. We are eagerly awaiting the EU’s new Strategic Compass document – now needed more urgently than ever – and a follow up on the Conference on the Future of Europe conclusions that might lead to a more democratic, sovereign and stronger EU in the world.

Sandro GOZI
UEF President

MAKE EUROPE BLOOM: The Time is Now! – Survey Greece

Dear federalist friends, 

We are writing to you today with regards to the UEF’s MAKE EUROPE BLOOM: the Time is Now! project, co-funded by the European Parliament. 

As you already know, this project is contributing to raising awareness on the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) and setting up the new European Bauhaus by mirroring citizens’ feelings on Europe through art. In order to meet our innovative approach, we count on renown urban artist Antonyo Marest. With your contributions we will be painting murals in different cities across Europe.

In our next stop in Piraeus, Greece, we will be painting a mural based on the idea of “Climate change and the environment”, one of the topics of the CoFoE.

We would like to ask you to answer the questions below so that we can paint the future Europe together! #MakeEuropeBloom

SURVEY

Warm federalist regards,

UEF Secretariat

Letter by UEF President Sandro GOZI

Brussels, 21 February 2022


Dear federalist friends,

The Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) has entered its hot political phase and I want to express my appreciation for your dedication and commitment. 

Being present in a structured and effective way, as well as being recognisable on the CoFoE Multilingual Digital Platform with our proposals, became a necessary condition both for conveying its political message and for enhancing meetings on the ground at all levels. The aim was to be influential in order to condition future decision-making processes, to bring out the drive for reform of the European Treaties, unavoidable if it emerged from the debate and the requests of citizens, on the platform – the only tool at our disposal to convey ideas and political message. From there, we, federalists, conveyed both to the European citizens’ panels and, above all, to the plenary session.

With a view to a debate aiming at advancing federalist demands, we encouraged our Sections and Members to organise debates linked to our political proposals on the platform. For nearly a year, you have been boosting your efforts to raise awareness about this positive momentum, with a view to engage citizens directly, and to gain wider support for our ideas, projects, and proposals. Therefore, I wish to thank you  for crowding the squares of your cities and towns, for organising conferences and workshops in schools, universities, and inside your sections.

During this past year, we have seen enormous growth in the support and visibility of federalist ideas, especially those aimed at strengthening European Democracy. You have been integral to the important advances we have made, particularly promoting a stronger pan-European democracy — real European political parties and movements and proper campaigns for European elections, based on the creation of a pan-European constituency and transnational electoral lists headed by the candidates for President of the European Commission. Moreover, we have also called for the need for a political and fiscal Union that can tackle the great transnational challenges of our time, acting decisively on a wide range of policy areas, from climate change, growing social inequalities, health and migration to foreign affairs and defense.

Our collective efforts together with JEF and the Spinelli Group, yielded a great outcome for the federalist ideas in the CoFoE Multilingual Digital Platform. This was only possible through your commitment of time and effort, which was especially notable during this final rush campaigning together for a more sovereign, democratic and federal Europe.Again, I would like to thank you for all your invaluable contributions and your continued commitment to the federalist values and mission of our organisation.
Yours faithfully,

Sandro GOZI
UEF President

Extracts: Superpower Europe, the revolution of the EU

Extracts (translated in English from the Dutch version of the book by Robert Verschooten)

The world order has tilted, so has the mission and position of the European Union. (…) In this book I document a real revolution of the European Union. We witness, in real time, but largely unnoticed in public opinion, the European Union is undergoing a historic transformation. (p.14)

The new European Union shares with the United States a geopolitical, industrial, technological and military mission tailored to a new world order with superpower conflict. (…) An evolution that changes the identity and balance of the European Union itself and that requires a new understanding among its member states. (p. 15)

That new environment represents a strategic evolution for the European Union, which has revolutionized the way it thinks and acts. (p.20)

I identify three fault lines in the evolution of Europe and of the European Union:

  • The European Union is becoming a closed geostrategical project – rather than an open country community.
  • The European Union is becoming a superpower project – rather than a post-modern peace project.
  • The European Union is becoming a state project – rather than a free-market project.

These three fault lines are still in gestation.  (p.22)

European Union enlargement was an external dynamic aimed at broadening European community building. Now that has been reversed: enlargement is an internal European question about the European Union’s strategic geographical position in the world.  (p.26)

A layered membership has long been implemented, separating European economic integration from political integration. The European Union has long been experimenting with various degrees of flexible integration. (p.28)

A layered European Union maximizes Europe’s geostrategical weight in the world. (p. 30) In order to be geostrategical, the European Union must be institutionally flexible. (p. 31) ( . . . ) the European Union must be able to handle variations and degrees of European integration that adapt to a greater diversity of candidate member states. (p. 31). If we want countries like Moldova, Albania or Serbia in the European sphere, the European Union’s offer must evolve into much more than a combination of market, sustainability, democracy and money. (…) or some variant of it, perhaps less in the areas of economy, ecology and democracy, but certainly more in other, more geopolitical and strategic areas.  (p.32)

Against its will, the European Commission, (…) has deliberately evolved from a technocratic bureaucracy for market dynamics and free trade agreements into an overtly geopolitical Commission. (p.44)

The European Union is naturally becoming a geopolitical power union as it has to fill its long-standing economic role in a new hostile world where economics is the extension of hard power and vice versa. This evolution is proceeding at breakneck speed. (p. 46)

The internal federalization of the European Union as a nascent power union is the common response of EU member states to the external world that demands Europe be a power bloc. (…) Without a power union, the hostile world as a centrifugal force would tear apart cohesion among European countries in a compromise of national interests. Both our values and interests require a strong Europe. (…) First, I want to name what Europe must additionally achieve in order to be and remain itself in this new global power reality: a strong, internationally focused and therefore necessary European military capability. (p.52)

The historical division between the economic European Union and military NATO is no longer relevant. A European Union that continues to ignore and delegate military power cannot fulfil its mission in economy, technology or energy with the necessary autonomy. (p.54)

The European Union has managed to transcend national interest by providing what the European nation-state either could not, or should not do without threatening the European Union itself. (…) When there is a crisis in Europe, the European Union is always part of the answer. As a result, the European Union has continued to grow as an autonomous state actor, as a protofederal state entity that organically and in shocks sucks up national sovereignty and approaches ever closer to the fait accompli of an EU state.

The division of roles between member states and the European Union is blurring and tilting towards European federalization, without the constitutional set-up of the European Union itself having evolved along with it from bureaucratic or institutional processes to democratic federal decision-making. (p.69) (…) The impotence of democratic national politics paradoxically gives much space and power to the technocratic politics of the European Union. (p.70)

When the European Union needs decisiveness, speed and dirigisme of an actual state, there is no escaping its protofederal administration that is the Commission. (p.70)

The role shift towards the state in the European Union goes far beyond the intersection between economy and power under the pressure of world order. The primacy of geostrategy and and geopolitics in the European Union implies the primacy of politics on the market in Europe. (…) The European Union was a bastion of the free market, but it is becoming a bastion of state intervention and politicization. (p.71)

The DNA of the new European Union tilts from market capitalism to state capitalism where state control and state intervention rather than market forces are central.

In the revolution of the European Union, the single market is retrieved as an economic reality for a fundamental paradigm shift: as a lever for revival, industrial and climate policy on a European scale. (…) The shift from market to state (…) from decentralized competition to central planning, from state neutrality to state interference and state activism, has fundamental consequences for the governance of the European Union and for member states. (…) When the European Union trades the market for the state, it becomes a platform that fosters economic and financial competition between member states, that generalizes market competition between companies and gives market status to those companies specifically mobilized as extensions of political agendas. (p.90)

A free market is compatible with diversity and democratic, political and administrative culture among EU member states. The contrary means friction. (…) With a free market, Europe can serve all member states. (p.91) A free market is also compatible with power differentials between large and small countries, and between richer and poorer countries (…). European industrial policy and climate policy, on the other hand, inevitably collide with the reality that industrial and energy interests differ widely among member states, favouring or disadvantaging some member states much more than others. (p.91) It is with Europe’s waning fiscal standards as with waxing European industrial policy: objectively, they favour mainly large and strong countries. (p.94)

If we can continue to overcome political divisions, the European Union can take advantage of the revolution of our times to reinvent itself and thereby ensure once again what has always been the end goal of European unification: stronger, more prosperous and secure European countries. (p.98)

The European Union becomes a permanent balancing act between necessary scale and necessary sustainability capacity, a constant search for the interface where scale serves rather than prevents decisiveness. (…). European protectionism and subsidy policies indirectly increase national competition among member states. (p.104)

No one disputes that the functioning of the European Union lacks democratic transparency and accountability, and that the European Union fundamentally runs on the combination of bureaucratic technocracy and elite politics among diplomats and heads of government. (p. 110) The European Union is silently in stalemate with itself.  The Union (…) is quietly drifting away from democracy and the rule of law itself. (…). It is also and above all about how a European Union tilting towards federalism can find connection and legitimacy in what is the democratic underpinning of federalism: the separation of powers between the Union and the member states, the separation of powers at the European level, and the link between European political decision-making power and European democracy, in each case with constitutional guarantees. (p.111)

The systemic democratic deficit thus undermines not only the legitimacy but also the workability of the new European Union. Moreover, the current operating resources of the European Union and its funding model are by no means sufficient for the immense task of a geographically enlarged and geopolitical border and power union. (p.112) The new European Union risks getting bogged down in the tension between mission and capacity. (p.113)

The choice of a new European Union is the result of emergency politics under the external pressure of the polycrisis of our time. (…) It is an implicit, derivative and mainly reactive choice, not an explicit, principled or proactive one. (p.117)

The spectacular momentum of this new ‘passage to Europe’ on the wave of crisis should not blind us to the weaknesses in its foundations. The (r)evolution in the European Union is a cesura in the historical trajectory of European integration. (p. 118)

The new European Union must be careful not to lose touch with itself, its member states and the people of Europe. Besides manifestation, necessary and desirable in the face of crisis needs and the challenges of this century, deep contradictions generate big questions of legitimacy, about the balance between values and interests, between democracy and technocracy, between national sovereignty and European power, between EU mission and EU functioning, between market and state, and between member states themselves. The existential questions of the new European Union cannot be forever obliterated and ignored under the urgency of crisis policy and crisis management. (p.119)

If the Member States of the European Union can link institutional momentum to its strategic momentum, then the growing pains of the new European Union can be gradually absorbed and alleviated. The dynamics for this will be not only European but also international. (…). If the strategic transformation of the European Union is not properly institutionally anchored and supported within it, Europe risks being strategically very vulnerable to external events, to internal divisions or simply to mission overload. Moreover, its new mission makes the European Union the natural spearhead of Europe in the wider world (p.123).

INVITATION au 1er Colloque fédéraliste – 06.03.2022 – Plus d’Europe grâce aux régions transnationales

EINLADUNG 1. Föderalistisches Kolloquium | Mehr Europa durch transnationale Regionen

En coopération avec Forum EUROPA, fondation sans but lucratif, Luxembourg, l’Académie Européenne d’Otzenhausen et d’autres partenaires européens de la Grande Région et de la Région du Rhin Supérieur, l’Union des fédéralistes européens de la Sarre (Europa-Union Saar) invite les citoyens intéressés à un colloque le dimanche 6 mars 2022, de 9h30 à 13h30.

En collaboration avec des experts politiques et scientifiques, nous souhaitons réaliser une expérience de pensée : Comment faire pour que la Grande Région et la Région métropolitaine trinationale du Rhin Supérieur deviennent les germes de nouvelles collectivités territoriales européennes, au sein desquelles l’Union européenne de demain peut être construite ?

Veuillez consulter le programme ci-dessous pour toute information complémentaire. En cliquant ici, vous accédez au formulaire d’inscription. En cas de problèmes techniques, vous trouverez également toutes les informations sur le colloque sur notre site web : www.eu-saar.de. Cet événement est soutenu par Forum EUROPA a.s.b.l., fondation sans but lucratif (Luxembourg). Nous la remercions chaleureusement pour son soutien.

THE TIME IS NOW – COFOE, issue 3/22

Make sure your voice is heard. Never wait for somebody else to talk for you. You have a voice that can be as loud and the integrity of your argument can matter.” – Roberta Metsola, EP President

THE TIME IS NOW, UEF’s fortnightly newsletter on the Conference on the Future of Europe!
Issue 3/2022

Learn more about the Conference’s latest news and activities related to rebuilding the EU!

SIGN UP

PANEL RECOMMENDATIONS ON EU IN THE WORLD AND MIGRATION

The final meeting of the fourth European Citizens’ Panel took place on 11-13 February 2022 in Maastricht, the Netherlands.

On Sunday, the European Citizens’ Panel on ‘EU in the world / Migration’ voted through its 40 recommendations for the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE). The Panel worked around five work streams: self-reliance and stability; the EU as an international partner; a strong EU in a peaceful world; migration from a human perspective; and responsibility and solidarity across the EU. The Panellists’ recommendations stem from their previous work carried out during two sessions, held in Strasbourg on 15-17 October 2021 and online on 26-28 November.

The third and final meeting of the Panel, comprising around 200 people of different ages and backgrounds, from all Member States, was hosted by the European Institute of Public Administration in Maastricht and Studio Europa Maastricht. 

Source: Multimedia Center, European Parliament

Migration

After exchanging views on all aspects of migration, panellists recommended measures to address its causes and regulate it in a humanitarian way, to better integrate refugees and to share responsibilities among all EU countries.

Participants noted that migration is not necessarily a problem. They proposed giving access to the European labour market to asylum seekers with relevant qualifications and improving conditions for workers migrating within the EU.

Inequalities along external EU borders were also highlighted. To address that, participants recommended that the European border agency Frontex is reinforced and made more transparent.

The EU in the world

The EU’s dependence on imports of strategic goods, such as medicines, semiconductors, energy and food, was a major concern. The panel recommended better support for local production and increasing the output of renewable energy in order to reduce dependency “to the largest possible extent”.

It also proposed that most decisions in the field of foreign affairs be taken by qualified majority instead of unanimity to speed up responses to crises and to consolidate the EU’s presence in the world through a united front.

The EU should also apply restrictions to imports from countries that don’t comply with ethical or environmental criteria and promote values like human rights and democracy abroad, panellists recommended.

METSOLA: “MAKE SURE YOUR VOICE IS HEARD”

Parliament President Roberta Metsola answered questions live on social media about health, climate change and inequality

Engaging young people in the future of the EU

As only the third woman to lead the European Parliament, President Metsola said she is grateful to the women who came before her for breaking barriers. Her advice to young girls is: “Make sure your voice is heard. Never wait for somebody else to talk for you. You have a voice that can be as loud and the integrity of your argument can matter.”

She invited young people to express their ideas on Europe by participating in the CoFoE. “Send your messages, we will listen to them. It’s our responsibility, because in 2024 I need to convince [everyone], together with my colleagues here, that this place is worth keeping, because we are working for you,” she said, referring to the European elections.

Strengthening Parliament’s role in the EU

Metsola said Parliament has a “golden opportunity” to transform into a modern, effective and efficient institution and to draw lessons from the pandemic. She stressed Parliament wants the power to propose new laws, because Europeans want it to do more as the only directly-elected EU institution. “Let’s make sure we don’t hide behind political inability or unwillingness by saying there is no solution.”

MATTARELLA AND THE FUTURE OF EUROPE 

President Sergio Mattarella, who was just re-elected for a second mandate, pro-European sentiments have recently been witnessed during a ceremony on the island of Ventotene in August where: he paid homage to the grave of Altiero Spinelli (co-author of the Ventotene Manifesto), who was in confinement on the island during the fascist regime.

Mattarella also endorsed the CoFoE. This deliberative democracy experiment “cannot be a grey passage with no historical vision, but must be an opportunity to define, with courage, a Union that is a protagonist in the international community,” the president said.

THE MAASTRICHT TREATY ANNIVERSARY

In 1984, the European Parliament adopted the draft of a European Constitution, which could still solve problems the EU faces today: nearly completely abolishing national vetoes, deciding the EU budget by Parliament and Council together, the EU court checking member states on questions of human rights and the rule of law, health and other societal policies to be a shared competence between EU and member states.

This courageous move 38 years ago is a wake-up call to pro-Europeans while the CoFoE is entering into its decision-making phase.

On 14 February, UEF, the Spinelli Group, JEF Europe and Movimento Europeo Italia organised an event to commemorate the Spinelli Draft Treaty’s approval by the European Parliament in 1984. We counted with current MEPs and renowned witnesses to explain the key features of the so-called Spinelli Project and how it can still inspire the future of Europe today.

Find here the full statement and here you can rewatch the discussion.

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT DELEGATION TO THE COFOE

On 9 February, the parliamentary delegations to CoFoE had their first joint debate, focusing on European democracy and EU decision-making.

The European Parliament hosted the first joint meeting of EU and national parliamentarians participating in the CoFoE. The purpose of the meeting is to foster closer collaboration between MEPs and MPs, and to take stock of the recent Conference Plenary session that considered the recommendations from two European Citizens’ Panels and National Panels.

Strengthening European democracy

The first part of the meeting, chaired by Pieyre-Alexandre Anglade of the French National Assembly, focused on the legislative powers and democratic control exercised by parliaments, European elections, and EU decision-making. Most speakers agreed that, as the directly elected representatives of European citizens at national and EU level, MEPs and MPs share a responsibility to safeguard all democratic processes within the EU. Many spoke of the need to draw lessons from the application of the Maastricht and Lisbon Treaties, and to reform the EU to deal with challenges old and new.

In this vein, many supported Parliament’s call for a full right of legislative initiative. Others focused on the opportunity to establish transnational lists in European elections, debated proposals to directly elect the President of the Commission, and spoke on reforming the institutional roles of the Council and the Commission. Moving away from unanimity in the Council was proposed by many MEPs and MPs alike, as well as enhancing the role of national parliaments in the EU legislative process – with ideas for a revamped “green/yellow/red card” system for subsidiarity checks. Transparency in EU decision-making was another key point, with some speakers stating that citizens need to be able to know who among EU and member states’ institutions decides what. A few speakers took the floor to argue that the EU’s competences should be rolled back, calling for less European integration.

The EU’s role in the world and economic priorities

The second item on the agenda (chaired by Jean-François Rapin from the French Senate) included a debate on the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defence Policy, and on economic governance and the EU budget. Speakers focused on a broad range of issues. However, the common denominator for most of them was the need to tackle challenges posed by third countries, whether close to the EU’s border or in the international scene, through more efficient decision-making and effective coordinated action. Ideas brought to the table include moving away from unanimity in the Council, closer and more long-term alignment of economic and industrial policies, fostering strategic autonomy across multiple key sectors, and reviewing the role of the High Representative of the Union.

Citizens’ participation in democratic processes

The final debate, chaired by Parliament’s Co-Chair of the Executive Board of the Conference Guy Verhofstadt, was on the introduction of a permanent EU mechanism for citizens’ participation and consultation. Speakers took the floor to discuss lessons from the CoFoE’s structures and ideas like establishing a permanent online agora for EU citizens, a periodic consultation mechanism, and an obligatory “jury duty”-style call for citizens to engage in an EU-wide consultation process. Some speakers debated the appropriate balance between participatory processes and democratic representation.

NEXT STEPS

One of the four European Citizens’ Panel has yet to hold its final meeting, at the end of this month: the Panel on ‘A stronger economy, social justice and jobs / Education, culture, youth, sport / Digital transformation’ will adopt its recommendations on 25-27 February in Dublin, Ireland.

Eighty Panel representatives (20 from each of the four Panels, of which at least one-third is aged between 16 and 25 years) have been tasked with presenting and debating the recommendations of all Panels at the Conference Plenary, where the CoFoE’s final proposals will be shaped. The next Conference Plenary is set to take place 11-12 March in Strasbourg. 

There will therefore be four plenaries (two in March, and two in April, all in Strasbourg), as well as the concluding event to be held on 9 May.

The three Presidents of the CoFoE will make a common political declaration, to be prepared by the three Co-Chairs, at the concluding event on 9 May. Thereafter, the three Institutions should ensure an appropriate follow-up, with a GAC discussion, an EP resolution in June, at the European Council in June, as well as in the Commission’s State of the Union debate and legislative programme in September. The final report of the CoFoE should be concluded by the end of this year/beginning of next year.

Therefore, the four plenaries will focus on:

  • 10-12 March I: discussions on recommendations from Panel 1 (Dublin) and Panel 4 (Maastricht)
  • 24-26 March II: Presentation and discussion of the WGs’ draft proposals
  • 7-9 April I: Presentation and discussion of the WGs’ draft proposals
  • 28-30 April II: Plenary to adopt the CoFoE proposals
  • 9 May concluding event (preceded by a social event/dinner on 8 May): Presentation by the three Presidents and the three co-Chairs

In the meantime, and up until 20 February, citizens across Europe can also continue to take part in the CoFoE through the multilingual digital platform

It is time to make federalist voices heard! Join and help UEF to make an impact on the CoFoE by 20 February!

THE TIME IS NOW!

ARTICLES AND PAPERS

EURACTIV: With such members, who needs foes?

Hope for EU treaty reform springs eternal. Frustrated with the current state of affairs, the number of governments clamouring for the introduction of QMV in Council decision-making on CFSP matters has been growing. Perhaps the outcomes of the upcoming French and Hungarian elections, or indeed that other CoFoE, will tip the balance and lead to an alignment of European stars.

EURONEWS: Maastricht Treaty at 30: Pandemic brings unanswered questions back to the fore

The coronavirus pandemic, which sent public debt ballooning, has opened the door for reform that many consider long overdue.

EURACTIV: CoFoE should become permanent exercise into EU legislative process

Professor Kalypso Nicolaïdis (Chair in global affairs at the European University Institute in Florence) said that CoFoE, stakeholders have done the best they can do, but to make it a permanent exercise within the EU, there needs to be room for constructive criticism.

Former Members Association of the European Parliament (FMA): Our European Union – Time to be Bold, to Act, and to Deliver

Proposal from the FMA to the  CoFoE. The aim of this proposal, is to achieve a broad consensus within the FMA and its Reflection Group on the Future of Europe for a contribution to the plenary session of the CoFoE.

EURACTIV: CoFoE: EU citizens demand wider protection under rule of law

Citizens contributing to the CoFoE, the EU’s democracy engagement project, have made recommendations to widen the rule of law across member states, following views that there is a systemic conflictual climate between Poland and the EU.

EURACTIV: A European Union that serves its citizens

The CoFoE is the first example of the systematic and structured involvement of EU citizens in shaping future policies that will significantly impact and shape our lives and the lives of future generations. We entered this process determined in the desire for the result to be a reform of the union that will reflect the wishes and demands of the citizens.

L’ECHO: Macron, Draghi, Scholz… Le trio qui fera (enfin) avancer la défense européenne?

Une armée commune européenne est la condition sine qua non pour défendre les intérêts de l’Europe au-delà de sa politique commerciale et de son soft power.

EVENT – The Spinelli Draft Treaty 14.02

REGISTER HERE

The Spinelli Draft Treaty (14 February 1984 – 14 February 2022)

Monday, 14 February 2022 17h30-19h00

Dear federalist friends,

In 1984, the European Parliament adopted the draft of a European Constitution, which could still solve problems the EU faces today: nearly completely abolishing national vetoes, deciding the EU budget by Parliament and Council together, the EU court checking member states on questions of human rights and the rule of law, health and other societal policies to be a shared competence between EU and member states. 

This courageous move 38 years ago is a wake-up call to pro-Europeans while the Conference on the Future of Europe is entering into its decision-making phase. 

We invite you to hear some of the witnesses explain key features of the 1984 draft treaty. Current MEPs will comment how this can inspire today’s decisions. Join our hybrid event on 14 February 2022 17h30-19h00 either online or in 76 Allée de la Robertsau, 67000 Strasbourg, France.

Speakers at the event will include:

  • Pier Virgilio Dastoli, President of European Movement Italy, former secretary to Altiero Spinelli, lead author of this draft treaty
  • Heidi Marie Wieczorek Zeul, Social-Democrat MEP 1979-87, later German Federal minister for economic development
  • Jean Paul Jacqué, Spinelli draft treaty jurist
  • Monica Frassoni, former secretary general JEF
  • Enrique Barón Crespo, former President of European Parliament and European Movement International 
  • Jean Victor Louis, Professor Emeritus at the University of Brussels (ULB)
  • Danuta Hübner, MEP (EPP/Poland) and Member of the COFE
  • Katalin Cseh, MEP (Renew/Hungary) and Member of the COFE

UEF, together with the Spinelli Group, JEF and the Movimento Europeo Italia, suggest that pro-Europeans in Parliaments and the Conference on the Future of Europe open a debate about the method adopted by our EP in 1979-1984 and the gap between the main results of this parliamentarian common work and the situation of the European Union as it is now. The Spinelli Draft Treaty and its method and its content should inspire our work in the framework of the debate on the future of Europe. Find here the full statement.
 

Looking forward to the discussion!

With federalist regards,

Daniel FREUND, Pier VIRGILIO DASTOLI, Sandro GOZI,
Domènec RUIZ DEVESA and Antonio ARGENZIANO

It is time to make federalist voices heard!

MAKE SURE FEDERALIST VOICES ARE HEARD BY 20 FEBRUARY!

Brussels, 8 February 2022

Dear federalist friends,

About to conclude, the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) enters its hot political phase. 

Three interim reports on the multilingual digital platform have been prepared so far, since the Platform kicked off in April 2021, and have fed into the work of the European and national Citizens’ Panels and the Conference Plenaries.

Only contributions made on the platform by  20 February  will be taken into account in the report which will be published  on 17 March.

We must make sure federalist voices are heard, and the time to act is now. We kindly ask you to boost our efforts to raise awareness about this positive momentum, with a view to engage citizens directly, and to gain wider support for our ideas, projects, and proposals.

We therefore, invite you to refer to our ideas published on the Conference platform, that you can support and disseminate:

We must now take advantage of the Conference on the Future of Europe to move forward a more sovereign, democratic and stronger EU. As stated in the last line of the Ventotene Manifesto, the road won’t be easy, but we must strive to develop Spinelli’s ideas.

Find here a handbook on the CoFoE Multilingual Digital Platform. 

In addition to that, if you wish to upload – last minute – your own positions or events and if you need support, please let us know!

The contact person in the UEF Secretariat is Mariona Espín Onieva (mariona.espinonieva@federalists.eu).

Yours faithfully,

Anna ECHTERHOFF
UEF Secretary General